Stars,
Celebrities
Readings:
Stardom Industry of Desire (SID)
Josie
Andrews
Because
I had the flu last week, I wanted to comment briefly on the January 23rd
readings and the film: Now, Voyager
since I was unable to be in class. I will comment on the first two Readings, which are
historical in nature. I really did not have much to say about the Valentino Reading (Hansen, 1986) other than to remember to keep in context that the article is written about a time period when women spectators were just gaining respect and interest as an economic group. A time period when charismatic male actors were just being recognized as sites of physical pleasure for women to permissibly gaze at (erotic objects or "subjects of identification" for them to swoon over), and male masculinity was being redefined by Valentino on the big screen. While I thought the "fetish" and "otherness" discussion of Valentino's appeal was fascinating, intellectually, I thought the references to the consumerism culture of the 1940s, when filmmakers used the big screen and stars to sell makeup, clothes, cars, furniture and lifestyles, was more pertinent to the film we watched. As such, after I read this article, I went on and read the Eckert article.
Reading #1 Seeing Stars by Janet Staiger (1983)
I
have always believed that early films promoted directors not stars because legitimate
theater stars did not see film as prestigious or stock (company) theater actors
may not have wanted their names associated with film; the pay was not as steady
or predictable; and film-making companies believed paying stars would cost filmmakers
more money and diminish profits and therefore had a policy not to engage in wage
wars. I was therefore surprised that by Staiger’s analysis of this myth.
Specifically, the Reading asks the Question: when did film actors become more
important than the film story itself? To answer this question, the Article
tries to identify the start of the “star system in film history” by exploring film
historian Lewis Jacobs, Benjamin Hampton and Anthony Slide’s explanations. For
example, Jacobs perpetuates the myth that the Trust and independents prohibited
name recognition to keep costs down and adopts Florence Lawrence as the trigger
point for the star system (Laemmle hired her away from the Patents Trust
(Trust) in 1910 and heavily publicized her in films, including a 1910 Movie
Picture World story of her death as a gimmick to promote a movie; arguably
started bidding wars for stars). In contrast, Hampton dates the star system to
Mary Pickford as the first “player” who really connected deeply to audiences. Slide
rejects that filmmakers actually prohibited name recognition, discovering early
trade magazines promoting stars, like Ben Turpin (1909), Pearl White and
Pickford (1910), noting that only Biograph rejected star system until 1913 but
that might be more related to its support of stock actors and its rejection of
the 100-year old theatrical star system than a pure money concern.
Recognizing
that these historians leave huge history gaps and fail to compare (or often
even give) real dates, Staiger conducts her own historic analysis. Initially, Staiger explores Bernheim’s four phases of US Theater Economic
Development (1800s to 1920s)—which started with a stock system whereby theaters
had permanent “house” actors, moving to a star system which still used stock
actors as cast members (1820s) whereby stars became more important than the
theatrical production , to stars traveling and using their own actor company
(stock players almost vanish), to syndication of theater, which controlled all
aspects of production and distribution and tied stars up with long term
contracts. She then analyzes the evolution of film from “magic” vaudeville-like
Nickelodeon acts to narratives to the financial stabilization of the industry
when Edison’s patents were upheld. By
1909, Staiger finds clear evidence that the Edison Company not only hired “stock
players” as part of their company but heavily promoted and publicized these
actors in their cataloge. By 1911, promotion of actors was in full swing and
included: slides of actors between reels to promote upcoming films, Edison’s
use of credit system in the films itself, and the introduction of fan magazines
for film, including: Motion Picture Story
Magazine (1st issue 1911); Moving Picture Takes (1911), Photoplay (1911),
and papers, like Chicago Tribune, had
Sunday film editions about stars. Staiger notes that, as films became longer,
filmmakers had more money to spend, and by 1912, theater stars like Sarah Bernhardt appeared in film.
I found
this reading very important, and the main take-away from her article for me was
that the star system occurred almost concurrently with the transformation of
the industry from "magic of film" and Nickelodeon-like shorts to longer narrative stories, leading me to believe that audiences
connected almost immediately with stars through stories. The industry may have been surprised
by this early audience interest in unknown screen actors but, not surprisingly, profit-seeking filmmakers are naturally incentivized to respond to audience desires/wants. If star exploitation
brings audiences to theaters, filmmakers will exploit stars.
Reading #2 "Emergence of Star System in America" by deCordova (1985).
This
Reading asks the similar question, when did the Star System Emerge? The short
answer is that the Star System was the result of the “production of knowledge”
about stars. I enjoyed this Reading because it focused on a different aspect of
the Star System as a site of carefully orchestrated public knowledge. The reading walks us through three stages of
the star system from discourse-acting to picture personality to star. Significantly, from 1909-1914: picture
personality emerges as economic reality. First, we see the circulation of the
actor’s name (site of knowledge) done by almost all film companies (except
Biograph) through trade magazines, advertisements, news, lobby posters by
exhibitors (all with cooperation of film companies). There is even a “fake”
secrecy of actor names but this was done more to create more curiosity and hype
that perhaps the actors keep name secret because they are really famous stage
actors who don’t want name tarnished by association with film. However, filmmakers
restricted knowledge of the actor to the film they were in (intertextuality).
The idea was to align actor’s personality off screen with the character seen on
screen. This soon evolved somewhat to include the actor’s “professional”
existence, e.g. other films actor was in and, to legitimize the film, prior
stage roles. By 1911-1920s, audiences wanted more, and the star now became the subject
of narrative separate from his/her professional experience. Private lives
became a new site of knowledge and truth. Yet, we see this information was
regulated to portray film actors as more moral than theater actors: healthier
lifestyles with real homes, part of community, etc. Really fascinating because
in reading trade magazines from this time period, you can actually see this
evolution of public “star” knowledge. What I wondered after reading this
article, however, was how much of this transformation was due to industry
control and design, and how much was due to audience expectations and desires.
I have a feeling it is more the latter.